JAMES RENWICK, LL.D.

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CHAPTER XVII.

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Clinton is elected Governor of the State of New-York. – Apparent Calm in Party Feelings. – Causes of renewed Party Violence. – Tompkins is held up as a Candidate in opposition to him. – Clinton’s Re-election. – Farther increase of Party Violence. – Interference of the General Government. – Personal Hostility added to Feelings of Party. – Important Measures recommended by Clinton and carried in the Legislature. – Character of his Speeches to the Legislature.

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Clinton, who was brought, by his attendance on the Legislature, in contact with a new race of political men, with a Legislature composed of persons to many of whom he had hitherto been a stranger, received an accession to his popularity which was speedily manifested in an unexpected manner. Madison’s second term as president was about to expire, and Monroe had been elected his successor. Tompkins, who had been re-elected governor of the state in 1816, was chosen vice-president. Many persons appeared to have been under the impression that the vacancy left by his acceptance of the office must necessarily be supplied during the remaining part of the term for which he had been elected, by the lieutenant-governor. There was then no space left for political agitation, or the attempt to bias the opinion of the people by self-constituted leaders. When it was ascertained that the Constitution required the election of a new governor for the remainder of the term for which Tompkins had been chosen, a universal expression of opinion in favour of Clinton’s nomination broke forth. His old democratic friends in the country joined in the general wish; the federal party, so long his opponents, had ceased to exist as an organized faction, and its leaders admitted that they could not recall it from its disbanded state to act either in his favour or against him. The partisans who occupied Tammany Hall, and directed the movements of the democratic party in the city, retained the animosity which had been engendered by his faithful exertions to maintain the public peace endangered at the breaking out of the war. A feeble attempt at opposition was made by this party, and Peter B. Porter was brought forward as a candidate in opposition of Clinton. The struggle, however, was almost nominal, and the election of Clinton was achieved with a unanimity unparalleled, except in the case of his uncle, before party divisions had arisen, and while the state was partially overrun by an enemy.

The spring of 1817 was therefore a period of triumph in the life of Clinton. He had achieved the passage of a bill which ensured the construction of the canal, a result which had for so many years been the first object of his wishes; he had received the almost unanimous expression of the gratitude of his fellow-citizens for his long and faithful services, under circumstances which showed that he was not merely the idol of a party; in addition, the successful termination of an important lawsuit had relieved him from a state approaching to pecuniary embarrassment. Every trace of political division seemed to have been obliterated; and those unacquainted with the occult springs which influence the actions of politicians thought they saw in his inauguration as governor the beginning of a political millennium, in which the angry passions and fierce contests that had been engaged in the long struggle between the federal and democratic parties were to cease their destructive action. Clinton himself, with all his experience, was not free from the delusion, and pronounced that in politics "all was calm." The calm, however, was deceitful, and the precursor of a strife more imbittered than any which the annals of the politics of the state have recorded.

So completely had the old party distinctions been obliterated, that the Legislature of 1818, calling itself republican, chose as senator of the United States Rufus King, who had been the candidate opposed to Tompkins in 1816, and was, perhaps, more than any other person, obnoxious to the old democratic party. In this choice, Clinton, who had been so long opposed to him, and who, although repudiated by the supporters of Tompkins, had refused to sustain King when held up as candidate for the office of governor, cordially united.

The opposition to Clinton in the city of New-York was, however, unabated, and was speedily reenforced by the whole weight of the executive influence of the general government. Some attempts had been made by mutual friends to bring about a good understanding between President Monroe and the governor of New-York, but they were so injudiciously managed as to lead more speedily to an open breach. Without the necessity of believing the charges, which the opposition have so frequently made, of direct corruption on the part of the general government in the elections of the city, it possesses evidently a great and powerful influence upon the most active politicians by the number and value of its custom-house appointments. The whole of this corps was forthwith banded with the opponents of Clinton’s administration.

Clinton, in his struggle with the federal party, had not been sparing in his denunciations and invectives, nor measured in the tone of his speeches and writings. He had also committed the less pardonable offence of holding aloof when it was expected that he would have joined them. The wounds thus inflicted were but partially healed and easily reopened. >From causes which at this distant date can hardly be appreciated, fifty-one gentlemen, comprising a most formidable array of talent and activity, joined in a declaration by which they withdrew themselves from the federal party, and united with the opponents of Clinton. Many of these gentlemen, although opposed to the war in its early stages, had been actively and gallantly engaged in the defence of the country when threatened by invasion; and the leaders of the democratic party in the city were willing to accept of this service, with the promise of their aid in the overthrow of Clinton, as a compensation for their ancient opposition.

Clinton, by the very excess of his triumph, had become possessed of the whole appointing power. The first council of appointment under his administration was composed wholly of his friends, and thus, for almost the only session during the existence of that body, the whole load of responsibility appeared to rest upon the governor. As was natural, he gave in appointments a decided preference to the small band of devoted friends who, during the apparent downfall of his political influence which accompanied his removal from the office of mayor, had remained steadfast in their affections. These were obnoxious from old feelings to the federalists, and still more so to the democratic party of the city, which had been taught to consider them as apostates. From this cause, in addition to the dissatisfaction arising from disappointed applications, a great loss of popularity arose, and Clinton had not in his hands the powerful engine of party discipline by which unsuccessful applicants for office are compelled to hide their griefs.

The triumph of the canal policy had produced discontent in many of the counties which derived no direct benefit from it. This was artfully fostered; and, assigning to Clinton that prominent agency in procuring the passage of the canal bill, and creating the canal policy of the state, which was afterward denied him by the same persons, an outcry was raised against what was opprobriously styled "the big ditch," and against Clinton as its projector and supporter.

The honest opponents of the canal believed it to be a visionary and impracticable scheme. The political foes of Clinton endeavoured to strengthen them in this opinion by every possible argument, and demanded that his political success should be made to depend on the success or failure of that project. So powerful were these arguments as to shake the belief of many of his most earnest friends, and he was strongly urged by many of them to separate his fortunes from an enterprise, the success of which was at least doubtful. Clinton reassured them by pleading the absolute certainty of its success, and determined to risk the chance of victory or defeat on that question alone, which thus became the main point in the ensuing election.

The militia system, as practised in the United States, is obnoxious to ridicule. That shopkeepers, tailors, and attorneys shall, by virtue of a brevet or commission, attach high-sounding military titles to their names, may easily be made a matter of merriment to those who forget that a country shopkeeper successfully defended the Niagara frontier, and carried the war into the enemy’s country; that a tailor trained a militia brigade to manœuvre as well as regular troops; and that an attorney led the battalions which crossed bayonets with the veterans of Wellington, and drove them from the field. The ridicule which the system itself may be made to provoke, was poured upon the head of the functionary whence the commissions and brevets issued.

His first term of office had been marked by two reforms of great moment in the administration of the laws. The first was the reduction of the number of justices’ courts. These had become an absolute nuisance; the marshals were permitted to act as counsel for the plaintiff in the suit, and strong suspicion was entertained of collusion between them and the magistrates whence they derived their appointments. At all events, the great number of suits which were decided in favour of those who brought business to the court, gave ground for a belief of unfair influence. By the new law nearly a thousand petty courts ceased to exist, with their retinue of official harpies.

A practice had gradually grown up among attorneys of buying up claims for the purpose of prosecuting them. This had reached to such an extent as to amount to a serious evil. Postested notes, and other demands on which the original creditor would have hesitated to incur the costs, were, when in the hands of legal men, made the source of oppression. This system was abolished by law, and the taxable costs were, in addition, so much reduced as to render it not worth pursuing. The underlings of the legal profession were much enraged at this change, so advantageous for clients, and one of them was so far carried away by his anger as to resign his license in open court.

These reforms fell upon men who are most loud and busy at elections, and arrayed their whole force in enmity against Clinton.

Such being the elements of opposition, and such the weapons it had in its power to employ, it only remained to seek for a suitable candidate to run against Clinton when the three years for which he had been elected as a substitute for Tompkins should have expired. Such a candidate was found in Tompkins himself, who, although he had resigned the office of governor in order to accept that of vice-president, was induced to oppose Clinton; and although, if successful, he must return to the post whence he had considered himself promoted. We have already seen what an extent of popularity he had acquired; and he was the most formidable competitor who could possibly have been selected.

Tompkins had been throughout opposed to the canal, and his election would in all probability have been followed by the cessation of all work upon it, and the withdrawal of the funds appropriated as a pledge, except so far as necessary to provide for loans already contracted. On this election, then, depended in a great measure the hopes of the system of internal improvement; for had Clinton been defeated in this instance, it would have been hardly possible to find any politician who would have renewed the consideration of a question, on which he had been so signally defeated.

The election was contested with great spirit on both sides. The southern counties gave Tompkins large majorities, but they were more than counteracted by the population of the West, and Clinton received about two thousand votes more than his opponent. On the other hand, as the division of the state into counties and senatorial districts did not give to the new regions of the West a representation proportioned to their population, the House of Assembly mustered a majority of the friends of Tompkins, by whom also a large proportion of the vacancies in the Senate were supplied. Clinton therefore entered upon his new term of office in 1819 along with a hostile Legislature.

We have stated that the influence of the executive of the general government was arrayed against Clinton in this election. This influence had been gradually growing for several years. At the adoption of the Constitution, the minor appointments of the custom-house had been chiefly given to officers of the Revolutionary army; and, although by far the greater part of these had joined the federal party, Jefferson would not permit them to be disturbed. This was in accordance with his usual policy, not to remove from office without cause; and the mere expression of preference by a silent vote he did not admit to be one. The number of this respectable body was rapidly thinned by death, while, at the same time, the growing commerce of New-York demanded that more officers should be appointed than would merely fill the vacancies. The appointments were generally made from among those who had been most active at elections in support of the democratic party. Gaining their office by such means, they did not relax their electioneering efforts after appointment, but continued to figure as leaders of the party.

Clinton felt himself aggrieved by the strength which this body of politicians gave to the ranks of his opponents.

In King’s county the election had been decided against him by the workmen of the navy-yard. These, not content with the quiet exercise of the elective franchise, had proceeded to the polls in procession, to the sound of military music.

Indignant at what he considered an unwarrantable interference in the state elections, Clinton could not refrain from alluding to the facts in his speech to the Legislature. This body, although the fact that all on whom the government could exert influence had voted against him was notorious, affected to doubt his statement, and with little courtesy called for proofs. It was trusted, in making this call, that the links by which the acts at the polls were connected with the government at Washington could not be detected, and in the evidence he adduced a part of them was wanting. He however proved, in more than one instance, that votes were given under the influence of fear of loss of office. At the present day, the fact of direct influence exerted by the executive is not doubted, and the evil has become such that a law has been passed by Congress to prevent the officers of the customs from being assessed for the support of elections.

Clinton, who could not read the secret councils of his enemies, unluckily chose by name as an active agent of the government in opposing him one who was his sincere friend, and had laboured most strenuously to prevent a breach between the president and the governor of New-York, but who, failing in the attempt, for reasons very different from personal hostility, was found in the ranks of his political opponents. The mutual friends of the parties had, however, the gratification to see that, before the lapse of many years, amicable relations were restored between them.

However ably and completely the general truth of his allegations was supported by Clinton, the Legislature treated the matter as a party question, and the only opportunity which has presented itself of examining how far the general government has a right to interfere with state elections, was lost. It would, however, appear to be absolutely essential to the consistency of the principles of a free government, that all who derive emolument either from the state or general government, by an office held during pleasure, should be ipso facto disenfranchised.

The violence of party which had been brought into action in this election, so far from subsiding after its result was known, became yet greater. An array of talent, such as has rarely been enlisted in any political struggle, was brought into action by the opponents of Clinton. Serious argument, satirical poems, and newspaper squibs were showered upon his policy, his person, and his friends. His scientific pursuits, in particular, became the subject of ridicule. He, on his side, defended himself manfully; and if he could not consistently descend to encounter the wit of his antagonists, he met and often foiled them in serious argument.

These contests were not carried on without exciting painful feelings. He had to experience the annoyance of seeing men whom he had considered as friends, and who were indebted to him for favours, arrayed against him. The harmony of the canal board itself was broken in upon, and he felt compelled to pour a torrent of indignant eloquence upon one of his colleagues. A still severer trial awaited him in a public conflict with a soldier who stood most deservedly high in the estimation of his countrymen for bravery and good conduct. It is painful to reflect that two such men should, by the force of party violence, have been brought into position of such deadly hostility. Clinton’s letters on this occasion are among the ablest of his productions, and are master-pieces of the art of invective. It may be regretted that he felt it necessary to vindicate himself by retorting the attack upon him; but this course was indispensable in the critical state of his political prospects, and was successful in sustaining his personal dignity and that of his office.

The result of the election had shown that a very decided majority of the citizens of the state was in favour of the canal policy; for not only was every vote given for Clinton that of a friend of the enterprise, but there were among the adherents of Tompkins some who, although the political opponents of Clinton, were yet committed to the support of that measure. The mode of attack was therefore adroitly changed. It was attempted to deprive Clinton of all merit in the original design of the canal, and all claim to gratitude for his exertions in its behalf. He was accused of having appropriated what was due to Morris; and when the true state of their relative services was known, obscure names, of which the people had never heard, were brought forward to deprive both of the honour. It is remarkable, that in this discussion, Platt, who had been the first to propose action on the part of the state, instead of committing the interests to an incorporated company, with Geddes, who had explored the Erie route, and demonstrated its practicability, were not even mentioned. The former was now classed with the friends of Clinton; the latter, who was probably on the same list, would have disavowed anything which was not actually his due. Neither, therefore, were suited for the purpose of lessening the merit of the governor.

During these discussions, the canal commissioners continued their exertions strenuously. The level between Utica and Syracuse was put under contract in 1817; ground was broken the 4^th of July of the same year, and this central portion of the canal was finished in 1819.

Clinton retained, with his office of governor, his seat as president of the board of canal commissioners, and devoted all his leisure from the duties of the former to the business of the latter. This business he had from the beginning performed without any compensation, although by usage he might have been fairly entitled to it. He was also placed in a position in which he had an opportunity of speculating in lands likely to be benefited by the location of the canal, and it would have been easy to find associates who would have purchased in their own names, and paid him a share of the profits. This never appears to have been even suggested to his mind as a temptation. No one dared to approach him with such proposals; and any idea of making use to his own emolument of the advantages of his position never occurred to him. This course was not merely creditable to him as exhibiting his own disinterestedness, but from the force of the example he set to his colleagues, and all the engineers employed upon the work.

While Clinton acted as governor, the business of legislation fell, of course, into other hands. The governor might indeed recommend in his speeches and messages such policy as he approved, but the draught of laws devolved upon committees of the two houses. Still, measures were adopted at his instance, while he yet was supported by a majority of the Legislature, which are of sufficient importance to be mentioned, but others of no less moment, and in which he took a lively interest, were neglected.

In his inaugural speech he recommended the institution of Savings’ Banks and the establishment of a Board of Agriculture. These recommendations were repeated in his messages to the Legislature, and both were finally adopted. They have each, in their respective sphere, been of great benefit. The Savings’ Bank, by affording an opportunity for investing small amounts, which would otherwise have been expended on useless objects or committed to irresponsible hands, has not only increased the comfort and independence, but raised the moral character of the labouring classes. The Board of Agriculture, with its branches in every county, has excited an emulation among the farmers which has improved their methods of cultivation, and has spread throughout the state, by its valuable reports, knowledge of the most useful character.

He also recommended, on more than one occasion, reforms of the criminal code as well as of the civil jurisprudence, which were but partially acted upon by the Legislature.

The State of New-York had always exported flour, and the increase of agriculture has kept pace with that of population in such manner that a surplus production of wheat has been maintained. The soil and climate are highly favourable to its culture; and, as experience has proved, there was no reason why the flour of New-York should not bear a high a character as that of any other state. At the time Clinton was elected governor, this was far from being the case. Virginia and Pennsylvania enjoyed a higher reputation in this respect, and their merchants and farmers derived higher profits in consequence. Their flour sold in foreign markets from one dollar and a half to two dollars higher than that of New-York. Clinton satisfied himself that this was not owing to any imperfection in the raw material, or any fault of the manufacturer producing an average inferiority, but to a careless inspection. This, by permitting low qualities to pass with the highest brand, brought the whole crop down to the value of the lowest in public estimation. He therefore, in 1819, proposed an alteration of the inspection law, which did not pass, but he at the same time superseded the inspector. The consequence of this movement of Clinton has been to exalt the character of the brands of the New-York inspection, until they rank higher than those of any other state.

His speeches to the Legislature were replete with sound views of policy, evincing the experienced and patriotic statesman; and thus, although intended for local purposes along, they were sought with avidity throughout the Union, and were awaited with greater interest that the contemporaneous messages of the President of the United States.

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Transcribed from the original text and html prepared by Bill Carr, last updated 12/10/99.